Just as the Trump government has a solid reputation for disdain of expert advice on topics ranging from environmental issues to trade and international treaties, it seems that the populist government in India likes to tell its followers what it wants to hear.
See this (pretty angry) article at Foreign Policy, mainly about India's terrible air pollution, but also other topics:
Speaking from the headquarters of Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) on May 9, the cabinet member Nitin Gadkari promised
a rapid elimination of air pollution. “Delhi will be free of air
and water pollution in the next three years,” he said. Gadkari is now
the minister of road transport and highways now, but in the years before
Modi first became prime minister in 2014, Gadkari was president of the
BJP. He said he expected that the air would clear because of the
achievements of his political party, which “has done 100 percent
corruption-free, transparent, time-bound, result-oriented, and quality
work.”
Bringing air pollution down to acceptable levels—not just in New
Delhi, but also throughout north India—would indeed be a tremendous
accomplishment. But promising to do so within three years is absurd.
China, for example, has successfully directed policymaking efforts
toward reducing particle pollution, after decades of catastrophic
pollution in the north and public pressure once air quality data became
easily available online To do so has taken China several years
(more than three), has certainly not eliminated pollution altogether,
and has required facing unpleasant facts. Central Chinese officials held
local governments to account for improving pollution—and moved to
address the problem when statistical analysis showed that local bureaucrats were manipulating the numbers. But Gadkari’s unbelievable numbers are coming from the top.
Such absurdities have become commonplace. Gadkari’s promise echoes
Modi’s claim the government could eliminate open defecation from rural
India by 2019. (Open defecation rates improved, but it remains dangerously common, as independent demographic data shows.) Both numerical deadlines combine wild ambition and a good
cause with needless quantitative precession and the absence of any plan
that could achieve the result.
And more about the general attitude of "we know better than experts":
Unfortunately, the pattern extends beyond the environment. Increasingly,
many of India’s leading economists and statisticians have spoken out
about the dismantling of India’s systems of official statistics and
expertise. Respected statisticians—including an economist whom I know
personally from my time at the Delhi School of Economics—resigned from
the National Statistical Commission in January, in protest of the
government’s refusal to release credible unemployment data.
The government’s top economic advisors and policymakers report being as
surprised as everyone else when in 2016 the prime minister, in a move
remembered as “demonetization,” suddenly declared that a large fraction
of India’s notes no longer counted as currency. In my own field of child
health, the Economist reported
that UNICEF suppressed data on child stunting because the prime
minister’s home state scored poorly. I do not think any of my colleagues
in sanitation research seriously believe the government’s response to a
December 2018 parliamentary question, which was to insist that
sanitation coverage in rural Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Uttar
Pradesh is 100 percent.
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