In the Washington Post today:
* An opinion piece by a famous female swimmer making the case that it's simply unfair for women to compete with women who used to be men (at least if they went through puberty). The advantages are not reversed by the subsequent lack of testosterone. An extract:
To
be clear, trans women are women. Full stop. We must also be clear that
trans women who have gone through male puberty acquire physical
advantages female puberty does not provide: More red blood cells store
and use oxygen more efficiently. Wider shoulders mean a leverage
advantage, and narrower hips make for more efficient movement dynamics.
Longer legs and arms, bigger hands and feet, can more easily handle a
ball or cover a field.
A
transgender woman who has transitioned from a testosterone-driven to an
estrogen-driven system loses speed and muscle mass, yes, but puberty’s
“legacy advantages” do not change with a new hormonal profile. Simply
reaching an authority’s acceptable testosterone level should not qualify
a trans woman to compete in the female category as currently designed.
The physical disparity remains too great for true equal performance
potential.
The comments following contains some of this ilk:
But by far the majority are actually on the author's side (she suggests there probably is no solution other than to have trans compete against trans - or men if they want.). Many also have a problem with the line "trans women are women. Full stop."
So my point is - there is some identity politics nuttniness (no recognition of reality) on display in comments, by people who insist there is no problem. But there's not that many, and do those who do think this way affect the country much? No.
* An article by Philip Bump noting the still extraordinarily high numbers of Republicans who are in the Trump fantasy land that he actually won the last election. And this is by Pew Research polling, which I think has some credibility:
Pew found that only about 1 in 3 Republicans think Joe Biden won the
2020 election, and only about 14 percent of them say he definitely won,
which he did. In other words, six out of every seven Republicans are
unwilling to say that Biden definitely won. Instead, a third say Trump
probably won — somehow — and almost another third say Trump definitely
won. By now, this position is simply an act of faith, a rejection of
all available evidence in deference to a feeling. It’s still remarkable
in scale.
The polling also found that people whose views were furthest from
reality on the results of the 2020 election were also those most eager
to downplay what occurred at the Capitol. For example, 7 in 10
Republicans who say Trump probably won in 2020 think that too much
attention has been paid to Jan. 6. That position was held by 9 in 10 of
those who say Trump definitely won....
To
believe that Trump won in 2020 is to reject concrete evidence that he
didn’t. It’s to dismiss as unimportant or tainted any objective analysis
to the contrary. Even allowing for the fact that members of the Jan. 6
committee would broadly be pleased to be able to implicate Trump more
directly in the day’s events, it’s likely that any examination of the
day would be treated with skepticism by a group that is defined by its
skepticism about observable reality.
But
then we factor in that original point: Most of those who think Trump
probably won in 2020 also think he bears no responsibility for the
violence and destruction on Jan. 6.
Some of this is probably a function of partisan flag-waving, a rejection
of the mainstream media’s (accurate) description of events in a way
that casts Trump in a negative light. But some of it is also clearly
true belief, a sincere insistence that Trump did win and that the violence wasn’t his fault. Millions of Americans want to believe that’s true, and so some do.
This is a rejection of reality by a very high proportion of the American electorate - and it's obviously serious in a functioning democracy when partisanship leads to fantasy beliefs that justify political violence.